Quilombos: the land is life and freedom
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For the purposes of this decree, the remnants of quilombo communities are considered
to be ethnic-racial groups, according to self-attribution criteria, with their own historical
trajectory, endowed with specific territorial relationships, with a presumption of Black
ancestry related to resistance to the historical oppression suffered. (Brazil, 2003).
During the colonial period, these communities were referred to as Mucambos and Re-
tiros, but the term that has endured to this day is Quilombo (Santos, 2015). The Brazilian state
decreed the replacement of the term quilombola with "remaining quilombo communities," shift-
ing the focus from individual rights to recognizing ethnic groups as collectives of rights (Matos
& Eugênio, 2018). For some authors who adopt anthropological perspectives, the term
quilombo remnant is considered more inclusive, as it encompasses not only communities
formed by formerly enslaved individuals but also those established by free Black people who
purchased or inherited their land. These communities share a common history of resistance and
a collective struggle to secure their rights (Arruti, 2017).
It is important to note, however, that the term remnants is controversial. Although Bra-
zilian law uses this designation, some scholars critique it from a socio-anthropological perspec-
tive, arguing that it risks presenting a static view of quilombola groups. Instead, they emphasize
the need to account for the evolution and ongoing dynamics of these communities. This debate
raises critical questions: Who are the remnants? What does it mean to be a quilombo today?
(Munanga, 2001, Silva; Nascimento, 2012).
However, there are many stereotypes constructed or desired in the search to find in pre-
sent-day communities or current social subjects the untouched traces of Africanness
from the past. In other words, in general, society wants to find reliable traces of African
tradition in present-day communities to legitimize their origin, as if customs, traditions,
and ways of life were frozen in time without the need for (re)constructions throughout
history (Silva; Nascimento, 2012, p. 26).
According to the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE, 2022), there are
approximately 1,327,802 quilombolas across the country. However, only 3,563 communities
possess a certificate of self-definition as a remaining quilombo community, and the quilombola
population residing in titled territories represents merely 4.3% of the total quilombola popula-
tion in Brazil (IBGE, 2022). As Givânia Silva and Bárbara Souza (2021, p. 87) note, “just over
three hundred [communities] have their territories titled.”
In this context, Vercilene Dias (2020) and Givânia Silva (2020) point out that the pro-
cess of land titling is slow, with most quilombola communities unable to prove land ownership
due to bureaucratic obstacles. On November 7, 2007, the federal government established the
National Policy for the Sustainable Development of Traditional Peoples and Communities
(PNPCT), emphasizing the recognition, strengthening, and guarantee of territorial, social,